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Aug 1, 2009 · Abstract. This definitive book on food and agriculture in Papua New Guinea is divided into seven parts: History of agriculture in Papua New Guinea; people, land and environment; food production ...
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Abstract. This definitive book on food and agriculture in...
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13 Health IndicatorsThe infant mortality rate is 52/1000. Life e. ectancy for males is 62 years and 65 years for females[1]. In 2008, 15.2% of the population had raised blood glucose levels and 21% have raised blood pressure. 12% of males and 20% of females were classified as obese. Communicab.
- Talautu. One of the best ways to end a hearty meal in Papua New Guinea is to indulge in Talautu. This is a traditional dessert in Papua New Guinea that is uniquely served in a coconut shell.
- Kaukau (sweet potato) In a country whose roots go back to more than tens of thousands of years, it is heartening to see the Kaukau become a prevalent ingredient in Papua New Guinea’s food culture in less than 500 years.
- Kumu (edible green vegetables) In Papua New Guinean, edible, highly nutritious green vegetables are known as ‘Kumu’/'Kumus’. These include leaves such as Rungia, Kangkong, Amaranth, Aibika, and more.
- Taro (root vegetable) In many Papua New Guinean regions, Taro corm, along with the leaves, is a staple crop and a part of the traditional diet. In fact, taro is known as ‘ima’ amongst the Urapmin people of PNG and is one of the main sources of sustenance.
In Australia, most Papua New Guinea-born people grow their own vegetables such as taro, tapioca and aibika (spinach), and ingredients of herbal medicines.1 Many people enjoy eating breads, cheeses, vegetables, meat, fish and fruits.1 Sharing food is still important and is a common practice linked to not overeating.1.
- Overview
- Daily life and social customs
- Cultural institutions
- Sports and recreation
- Media and publishing
- The peopling of New Guinea
People’s daily lives vary enormously in Papua New Guinea, with the great majority of the population living across the diverse rural landscape in villages or hamlets. Daily life usually centres on the extended family, whose primary responsibilities are producing food for subsistence and rearing children. Most people have rights to use portions of land for the growing of food and some cash crops as well as the rights to fish, hunt, and gather timber from local forests. Many of those activities are accompanied by rituals to ensure success and prosperity. Other major rituals, such as menarche ceremonies for girls and initiations for boys, are declining. The Highlands social system previously involved the strict separation of men and women, with men sleeping in men’s houses somewhat akin to military barracks and women sleeping in separate garden houses with the small children. With the incursion of newer cultural influences, that system has been modified in much of the region. Wealthy and prominent men with multiple wives retain separate households for each.
The clan forms the major unit of social organization. Almost all Melanesian societies are patrilineal, tracing descent through the male line, and even matrilineal societies, where descent is traced through the female line, remain patriarchal—i.e., male-dominated. In some areas descent and land rights can be claimed through either parent, so people can belong to both their parents’ clans. Marriage within a clan would be perceived as incest, and so marriage is only possible across clan lines and sometimes across the boundaries of a tribe. Large tribes are not the norm, but where they do exist they have a degree of political unity and can be viewed as federations of clans. They may share origin myths, and in such cases clans can be seen as being like “brothers,” sons of a founding father. These social structures form the lines of conflict expressed in the interclan warfare that persists in the Highland provinces, and in those areas they often form the lines of political competition in contemporary elections.
When people migrate from rural villages to urban areas or rural resettlement areas, they carry their languages and customs with them and re-create their existing social structures. Social bonds and obligations of the wantok system can provide support for those struggling in new locations but also create heavy demands on the more affluent people who feel obliged to support their kin. The demands of wantoks are often held to be a root cause of corruption. Increasingly there are second or third generations of townspeople who have “mixed marriages” across language lines, who while affiliated with both their parents’ relatives often display a greater sense of nationhood than their age-mates who have less multicultural backgrounds. Intergenerational tensions reflect the stresses of rapid social change in rural and urban contexts.
In both villages and cities, music and dance celebrations often mark important life-cycle events such as birth, death, initiation, menarche, economic transactions (even the opening of a roadway), peacemaking, and religious observances. Traditional expressions are now sometimes mixed with or even replaced by string band music, Christian hymns, or both, primarily reflecting modified influences from the West and from other Pacific Islands areas.
People’s daily lives vary enormously in Papua New Guinea, with the great majority of the population living across the diverse rural landscape in villages or hamlets. Daily life usually centres on the extended family, whose primary responsibilities are producing food for subsistence and rearing children. Most people have rights to use portions of land for the growing of food and some cash crops as well as the rights to fish, hunt, and gather timber from local forests. Many of those activities are accompanied by rituals to ensure success and prosperity. Other major rituals, such as menarche ceremonies for girls and initiations for boys, are declining. The Highlands social system previously involved the strict separation of men and women, with men sleeping in men’s houses somewhat akin to military barracks and women sleeping in separate garden houses with the small children. With the incursion of newer cultural influences, that system has been modified in much of the region. Wealthy and prominent men with multiple wives retain separate households for each.
The clan forms the major unit of social organization. Almost all Melanesian societies are patrilineal, tracing descent through the male line, and even matrilineal societies, where descent is traced through the female line, remain patriarchal—i.e., male-dominated. In some areas descent and land rights can be claimed through either parent, so people can belong to both their parents’ clans. Marriage within a clan would be perceived as incest, and so marriage is only possible across clan lines and sometimes across the boundaries of a tribe. Large tribes are not the norm, but where they do exist they have a degree of political unity and can be viewed as federations of clans. They may share origin myths, and in such cases clans can be seen as being like “brothers,” sons of a founding father. These social structures form the lines of conflict expressed in the interclan warfare that persists in the Highland provinces, and in those areas they often form the lines of political competition in contemporary elections.
When people migrate from rural villages to urban areas or rural resettlement areas, they carry their languages and customs with them and re-create their existing social structures. Social bonds and obligations of the wantok system can provide support for those struggling in new locations but also create heavy demands on the more affluent people who feel obliged to support their kin. The demands of wantoks are often held to be a root cause of corruption. Increasingly there are second or third generations of townspeople who have “mixed marriages” across language lines, who while affiliated with both their parents’ relatives often display a greater sense of nationhood than their age-mates who have less multicultural backgrounds. Intergenerational tensions reflect the stresses of rapid social change in rural and urban contexts.
In both villages and cities, music and dance celebrations often mark important life-cycle events such as birth, death, initiation, menarche, economic transactions (even the opening of a roadway), peacemaking, and religious observances. Traditional expressions are now sometimes mixed with or even replaced by string band music, Christian hymns, or both, primarily reflecting modified influences from the West and from other Pacific Islands areas.
The Papua New Guinea National Museum and Art Gallery in Waigani, a suburb of Port Moresby, has a significant collection of ethnographic artifacts. The government’s National Cultural Commission, the Institute of Papua New Guinea Studies, and the National Film Institute record, document, and promote activities associated with traditional cultures, wh...
Competitive sports in Papua New Guinea were introduced by colonists and missionaries but have taken on a style of their own, with games often inspiring not only team but also village or district loyalty. Wealthy candidates for election often sponsor sporting teams. There are organized amateur leagues for the most popular sports, which include rugby, cricket, football (soccer), softball, basketball, and volleyball. Rugby and football are especially popular league sports among men and, to a lesser extent, women, and netball is popular among girls. Cricket is another top sport, especially in the southern region. Since 2000 traditional canoe and sailing races have been revived as an elite recreation.
The Papua New Guinea Sports Federation and Olympic Committee acts as the national umbrella organization for sports and operates with corporate and government support to aid national teams as they train for and participate in international sporting events. The country first participated in the 1976 Olympic Games in Montreal but has had greater success in Pacific regional competitions and the Commonwealth Games, in which it has participated since 1962.
Radio remains an important broadcast medium, especially to residents of isolated communities, while television service is available and watched avidly in urban areas. There are two domestic television channels that broadcast to larger urban areas. The state-owned channel provides documentary and educational programming, news, and coverage of Parliament, and the privately owned channel carries mostly Australian content, with heavy emphasis on sports.
In contrast to the wide reach of the electronic media, circulation is relatively low for both the foreign-owned English-language newspapers (which are also published on the Internet) and the Tok Pisin weekly Wantok, owned by a domestic consortium of Christian denominations. Papua New Guinea’s press has taken an active part in reporting on political life without direct government censorship, although journalists sometimes find themselves under acute pressure from politicians if they have published critical articles.
Relatively little archaeological work has been carried out on the island of New Guinea. On the basis of current evidence, it has been postulated that parts of New Guinea were occupied as early as 50,000 years ago. The presence of pollen from planted foods, starch traces on stone implements, and the remains of swamp-drainage channels and other water...
4.4 Pay fortnight food market and retail cycles 281 Matthew Allen, R. Michael Bourke and Andrew McGregor 5.1 Rural villagers' cash income 284 5.2 Cash cropping in Papua New Guinea: an overview 292 5.3 Domestically marketed food 300 5.4 Coffee 306 5.5 Cocoa 315 5.6 Copra and copra oil 323 5.7 Oil palm 331 \ 5.8 Forest products \ ^ 340
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Aug 1, 2009 · ChapterPDF Available. Food production, consumption and imports [in Papua New Guinea] August 2009. In book: Food and Agriculture in Papua New Guinea (pp.129-192) Chapter: Part 2. Publisher: ANU E ...
