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Nov 10, 2021 · There is some evidence that suggests political identity plays a role in whether people prefer cats or dogs. Conservativism, for example, is associated with dog ownership and a greater preference for dogs over cats compared to liberalism (Bratskeir, 2016; Coren, 2013; Mutz, 2010).
- Chantelle Ivanski, Ronda F. Lo, Raymond A. Mar
- 2021
We can begin by ruling out the “easy” cases — law-ful assertions of self-defense (which involve justified threats to inflict violence) and intentional threats of violence involving no claim of self-defense at all (which are prima facie unlawful and not protected by the Second Amendment).
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Jan 5, 2021 · This alternative framework accounts for an important class of cases of intuitively permissible political violence, including cases in which such violence does not serve strategic political ends or is even counterproductive towards those ends.
- Edmund Tweedy Flanigan
- 2021
Despite the clear political utility of mobilizing both racially prejudiced voters and gun rights advocates, and the apparent link between the two, scholars have not yet empirically explored the possibility that a political candidate's gun stance might operate as a racial dog whistle in American politics.
- Overview
- Red Summer
- Fighting fascism abroad, racism at home
- The turbulent Sixties
- Changing face of protest
The conflicts of 2020 aren’t just a repeat of past troubles; they’re a new development in the American fight for racial equality.
Coming together in opposition to police brutality and the death of George Floyd, protesters stand together in the streets of New York City on June 4, 2020.
The 1960s Black Power activist formerly known as H. Rap Brown once said that “violence is as American as cherry pie.”
Over the last two weeks, more than a thousand protests—most of them peaceful, though some devolved into violence—have swept across America caused by outrage over the death of George Floyd, recorded as a Minneapolis police officer pressed a knee to his neck for nearly nine minutes while Floyd was handcuffed and lying face down. Floyd was one of approximately 1,100 people killed annually by police use of force in the United States in recent years, according to data compiled by Fatal Encounters, a nonprofit that tracks police-involved deaths since 2000. A disproportionate number of the people killed, like Floyd, are African American.
Casting their eyes to the past, observers search for comparisons to today’s uprisings in the chaos of 1968. But the roots of 2020’s events go far deeper into the last hundred years of American history, which were punctuated by race riots, massacres, and clashes between the police and African Americans. Starting in 1919, three major waves of nationwide uprisings in the 20th century shed light on how the fight for racial equality has grown, how it’s changed, and what has stayed the same.
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The first wave came in the early 20th century, culminating in the so-called Red Summer of 1919, when the country was recovering from World War I, bitterly divided by racial and gender tensions and anti-immigration fervor, and ravaged by the deadly Spanish flu epidemic. That year, dozens of violent racial clashes played out with ferocity in at least 25 places including small towns such as Elaine, Arkansas, and Bisbee, Arizona, and in big cities, including Omaha, Nebraska, Chicago, Illinois, and Washington, D.C. During this first wave, hundreds of thousands of African Americans were moving north in what came to be known as the Great Migration, seeking jobs created by wartime spending and fleeing the violence and oppression in the former Confederacy.
In 1921, white mobs, with the complicity of local police, torched Tulsa, Oklahoma’s black business district, known as “Black Wall Street,” killing about 300 people and leaving nearly all of the city’s black population homeless. In most of these massacres and riots, the police turned a blind eye to white violence and instead arrested African Americans for defending themselves.
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The Chicago 1919 Race Riot was one of the Red Summer’s most devastating; lasting for 13 days, it left 38 people dead and 537 injured. In this image, an armed white mob pursue an African American man.
Photograph by Jun Fujita, Chicago History Museum/Getty Images
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The second mass wave of protest and racial violence came during the disruptive years of the Depression and World War II. In 1941, when civil rights and labor leader A. Philip Randolph threatened a March on Washington to demand that the federal government open up defense jobs to African Americans, President Franklin Roosevelt succumbed to the pressure and signed an order creating the Committee on Fair Employment Practices. The hypocrisy of racism in a country that was fighting a world war for democracy fueled anger among many African Americans, unleashing one of the most intense periods of black political organizing and white opposition ever.
In a second wave of the Great Migration, hundreds of thousands of black workers moved north and west during the war, finding jobs in aircraft factories and shipyards. Newspapers serving African American communities, led by the Pittsburgh Courier, publicized racial discrimination and violence and launched the “Double V” campaign for victory against fascism abroad and against white supremacy at home.
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On June 21, a white mob riots and overturns a car. For about 24 hours in June 1943, Detroit, Michigan experienced one of the second wave's worst race riots, resulting in the deaths of 25 blacks (17 of whom were killed by police) and 9 whites.
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During the Detroit Race Riots, a member of the surrounding white crowd attacks a black man in police custody.
Fueled by growth of the civil rights movement, a third and enormous wave of urban uprisings swept the country between 1963 and 1968. The protests grew out of decades of grassroots organizing against racial segregation and discrimination in employment, housing, transportation, and commerce, both in the North and the South.
In 1963, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference marched in Birmingham, Alabama, demanding the desegregation of department stores, restaurants, public restrooms, and drinking fountains. In a violent show of force, Birmingham Commissioner of Public Safety Eugene “Bull” Connor infamously ordered police officers and firefighters to turn guard dogs and fire hoses on nonviolent protestors, many of them schoolchildren. In retaliation for the brutality, angry local blacks calling for self-defense rampaged through the city’s business district. When peaceful demonstrations did not get the desired results and law enforcement officials used force to suppress dissent, protestors often turned to more disruptive tactics.
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During the Newark Race Riots in July 1967, African American businesspeople, like this store owner, appealed to racial solidarity to protect their businesses from looting.
Photograph by Harry Benson, Express, Getty Images
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In the decades that followed 1968, outbreaks of protest and conflict were more geographically isolated, but their causes and fury foreshadowed the events of 2020. In 1992, mass protests and riots exploded in Los Angeles after the acquittal of white police officers who were captured on video brutally beating black motorist Rodney King. Twenty years later, the deaths of more African Americans at the hands of police ignited public outrage, mass protests, and sometimes attacks on white-owned businesses. Activists around the country loosely banded together in the Black Lives Matter movement, founded in 2013 by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi in response to the acquittal of a Florida man who fatally shot an unarmed 17-year-old black student, Trayvon Martin, who was visiting relatives in a gated community. The coalition uses protests, social media, and publicity to shine a bright light on police violence against African Americans.
2020’s uprisings resemble those of 1919, 1943, and 1968 in certain respects: They grow out of simmering hatreds seeded by the long, festering history of white violence and police brutality against African Americans that has taken hundreds of lives of per year, including Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, three of the most recent victims. Most of 2020’s protests have been peaceful, early reports have found, with a fraction becoming violent.
But more than ever before, today’s demonstrations are markedly interracial—African American, Asian American, Latinx, and white faces, covered by masks to prevent the spread of COVID-19, appear in city centers, blockaded across bridges and highways, and gathered in front of the White House. It suggests a new phase of opposition that is uniting groups who did not have much in common for most of American history. In cases where conflicts have erupted, those assaulted, tear-gassed, or shot with rubber bullets are of all races.
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In Minneapolis shortly after Floyd's death, police fired tear gas at protesters outside the 3rd Police Precinct. Like protests in the past, violence and looting have erupted out of some of 2020's protests.
Photograph by Stephen Maturen, Getty Images
Jun 14, 2021 · The rise of authoritarian populism has forced many democracies to consider how best to defend democracy against its inner enemies. In the literature on democratic self-defense, one often distinguishes between three models: a legal (militant), political (procedural) and social (integrational).
People also ask
What is a popular republican model of political self-defense?
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Is Democratic Self-Defense a war?
What is Democratic Self-Defense?
Jun 10, 2022 · As such, a popular republican model of political self-defense—in contrast to the militant model—does not view popular movements and extreme parties as the main threat to democracy but focus instead on the uneven hierarchies of power that stem from social and economic inequality.
